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Steven Levitsky
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Full Name and Common Aliases


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Steven Levitsky is a sociologist and scholar known for his work on democratization, authoritarianism, and the comparative study of revolutions.

Birth and Death Dates


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Born in 1978, Steven Levitsky's exact birthdate is not publicly available. Unfortunately, there is also no information on his current status or passing date.

Nationality and Profession(s)


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Steven Levitsky is an American sociologist and professor of government at Harvard University. He specializes in comparative politics, democratization, and authoritarianism.

Early Life and Background


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Levitsky's interest in social sciences began early on. As a young academic, he pursued his undergraduate degree at Stanford University before continuing to earn his Ph.D. from the University of California, Berkeley. His academic background is marked by an unwavering dedication to understanding the complexities of societal change.

Major Accomplishments


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Levitsky's research focuses on democratization and authoritarianism in various contexts around the globe. He has conducted extensive fieldwork across South America, Europe, and the Middle East, shedding light on topics such as regime durability and transformation. His work often seeks to understand why some countries transition towards democracy while others remain stuck under authoritarian rule.

Notable Works or Actions


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One of Levitsky's most notable contributions is his co-authored book, How Democracies Die (2018). The book, written alongside Daniel Ziblatt, examines the contemporary threats to democratic institutions in Western countries. In it, they explore how seemingly stable democracies can suddenly succumb to authoritarianism through subtle yet pernicious changes within their systems of governance.

Impact and Legacy


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Levitsky's research has significantly contributed to our understanding of democratization and authoritarianism. His work challenges conventional wisdom on the resilience of democratic institutions, providing valuable insights for policymakers, scholars, and citizens alike. By illuminating the subtle yet pervasive threats facing democracies today, Levitsky's scholarship underscores the urgent need for vigilance in protecting these fragile systems.

Why They Are Widely Quoted or Remembered


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Steven Levitsky is widely quoted and remembered due to his thought-provoking research on democratization and authoritarianism. His work has been featured in prominent news outlets, think tanks, and academic journals worldwide. As a leading voice in the field of comparative politics, he continues to inspire debate and reflection among scholars, policymakers, and concerned citizens seeking a deeper understanding of our world's evolving political landscape.

With his meticulous research and insightful analysis, Steven Levitsky remains an essential figure in contemporary debates on democratization and authoritarianism. His impact extends far beyond academia, influencing policy discussions at the highest levels and inspiring meaningful conversations about the future of democratic institutions.

Quotes by Steven Levitsky

In Malaysia, Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad used a politically loyal police force and a packed judiciary to investigate, arrest, and imprison his leading rival, Anwar Ibrahim, on sodomy charges in the late 1990s.
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In Malaysia, Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad used a politically loyal police force and a packed judiciary to investigate, arrest, and imprison his leading rival, Anwar Ibrahim, on sodomy charges in the late 1990s.
President Trump demonstrated striking hostility toward the referees – law enforcement, intelligence, ethics agencies, and the courts.
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President Trump demonstrated striking hostility toward the referees – law enforcement, intelligence, ethics agencies, and the courts.
Two basic norms have preserved America’s checks and balances in ways we have come to take for granted: mutual toleration, or the understanding that competing parties accept one another as legitimate rivals, and forbearance, or the idea that politicians should exercise restraint in deploying their institutional prerogatives.
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Two basic norms have preserved America’s checks and balances in ways we have come to take for granted: mutual toleration, or the understanding that competing parties accept one another as legitimate rivals, and forbearance, or the idea that politicians should exercise restraint in deploying their institutional prerogatives.
That brings us to a final factor shaping President Trump’s ability to damage our democracy: crisis. Major security crises – wars or large-scale terrorist attacks – are political game changers. Almost invariably, they increase support for the government. Citizens become more likely to tolerate, and even endorse, authoritarian measures when they fear for their security.
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That brings us to a final factor shaping President Trump’s ability to damage our democracy: crisis. Major security crises – wars or large-scale terrorist attacks – are political game changers. Almost invariably, they increase support for the government. Citizens become more likely to tolerate, and even endorse, authoritarian measures when they fear for their security.
Those who denounce government abuse may be dismissed as exaggerating or crying wolf. Democracy’s erosion is, for many, almost imperceptible.
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Those who denounce government abuse may be dismissed as exaggerating or crying wolf. Democracy’s erosion is, for many, almost imperceptible.
Demagogues attack their critics in harsh and provocative terms – as enemies, as subversives, and even as terrorists.
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Demagogues attack their critics in harsh and provocative terms – as enemies, as subversives, and even as terrorists.
Some of history’s most tragic democratic breakdowns were preceded by the degrading of basic norms.
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Some of history’s most tragic democratic breakdowns were preceded by the degrading of basic norms.
It was the Civil Rights Act, which Democratic president Lyndon Johnson embraced and 1964 Republican presidential candidate Barry Goldwater opposed, that would define the Democrats as the party of civil rights and Republicans as the party of racial status quo.
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It was the Civil Rights Act, which Democratic president Lyndon Johnson embraced and 1964 Republican presidential candidate Barry Goldwater opposed, that would define the Democrats as the party of civil rights and Republicans as the party of racial status quo.
These two norms undergirded American democracy for most of the twentieth century. Leaders of the two major parties accepted one another as legitimate and resisted the temptation to use their temporary control of institutions to maximum partisan advantage.
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These two norms undergirded American democracy for most of the twentieth century. Leaders of the two major parties accepted one another as legitimate and resisted the temptation to use their temporary control of institutions to maximum partisan advantage.
The second category in our litmus test is the denial of the legitimacy of one’s opponents. Authoritarian politicians cast their rivals as criminal, subversive, unpatriotic, or a threat to national security or the existing way of life.
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The second category in our litmus test is the denial of the legitimacy of one’s opponents. Authoritarian politicians cast their rivals as criminal, subversive, unpatriotic, or a threat to national security or the existing way of life.
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