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Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn

29quotes

Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn: A Life of Contrasts and Convictions


Full Name and Common Aliases


Erik Ritter von Kuehnelt-Leddihn was a prominent Austrian-British writer, journalist, and monarchist. He is often referred to as Erik von Kuehnelt or simply Leddihn.

Birth and Death Dates


Born on April 21, 1906, in Linz, Austria-Hungary (now Austria), Leddihn passed away on May 26, 1999, in Vienna, Austria.

Nationality and Profession(s)


Leddihn held dual nationality as an Austrian-British citizen. He worked as a writer, journalist, and professor, contributing to various publications and institutions throughout his career.

Early Life and Background


Growing up in a middle-class family, Leddihn was raised with strong Catholic values by his mother, who instilled in him a sense of morality and social responsibility. His father, a civil servant, had a significant influence on Erik's early life, introducing him to the world of politics and monarchism. This exposure shaped Leddijn's views on history, philosophy, and government.

Major Accomplishments


Leddihn was a prolific writer and journalist, publishing numerous books and articles on politics, history, and culture. He was particularly interested in the relationships between monarchy, democracy, and socialism. Some of his notable works include:

"Leftism: From de Sade to Hitler" (1950) - A comprehensive critique of left-wing ideologies
 "The Men of the Red Hand" (1948) - Exposing the rise of communism in Eastern Europe

Notable Works or Actions


Leddihn was a vocal advocate for monarchism and a fierce critic of totalitarian regimes. He played a significant role in shaping the post-World War II European landscape through his writings and activism. Some notable examples include:

Testifying before the House Un-American Activities Committee (1948) - Leddijn's testimony helped to expose communist infiltration in the United States
 Collaborating with conservative think tanks (1950s-1960s) - He worked closely with institutions like the American Enterprise Institute and the Hoover Institution

Impact and Legacy


Leddihn's contributions to modern politics and thought are undeniable. His critiques of socialism, communism, and left-wing ideologies have influenced prominent thinkers and politicians. His commitment to monarchism has sparked debate and reflection on the role of government in society.

Why They Are Widely Quoted or Remembered


Leddijn's writings, coupled with his unwavering dedication to his principles, have cemented his place as a respected voice in modern politics. His critiques of left-wing ideologies, combined with his advocacy for monarchism, continue to inspire and provoke debate among scholars, politicians, and readers worldwide.

Through his vast body of work and tireless activism, Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn has become an integral part of the intellectual landscape.

Quotes by Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn

Who is secure in all his basic needs? Who has work, spiritual care, medical care, housing, food, occasional entertainment, free clothing, free burial, free everything? The answer might be nuns and monks, but the standard reply is ‘prisoners’.
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Who is secure in all his basic needs? Who has work, spiritual care, medical care, housing, food, occasional entertainment, free clothing, free burial, free everything? The answer might be nuns and monks, but the standard reply is ‘prisoners’.
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Modifying Clausewitz’ aphorism – war is the continuation of diplomacy by other means – one could say that in ideologically divided countries civil war is but the continuation of parliamentarism with other means.
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Modifying Clausewitz’ aphorism – war is the continuation of diplomacy by other means – one could say that in ideologically divided countries civil war is but the continuation of parliamentarism with other means.
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For the genuine materialist there is no fundamental, but only a gradual, an “evolutionary” difference, between man and a pest, a noxious insect.
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For the genuine materialist there is no fundamental, but only a gradual, an “evolutionary” difference, between man and a pest, a noxious insect.
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The true rightist is not a man who wants to go back to this or that institution for the sake of a return; he wants first to find out what is eternally true, eternally valid, and then either to restore or reinstall it, regardless of whether it seems obsolete, whether it is ancient, contemporary, or even without precedent, brand new, “ultramodern.” Old truths can be rediscovered, entirely new ones found. The Man of the Right does not have a time-bound, but a sovereign mind.
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The true rightist is not a man who wants to go back to this or that institution for the sake of a return; he wants first to find out what is eternally true, eternally valid, and then either to restore or reinstall it, regardless of whether it seems obsolete, whether it is ancient, contemporary, or even without precedent, brand new, “ultramodern.” Old truths can be rediscovered, entirely new ones found. The Man of the Right does not have a time-bound, but a sovereign mind.
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Generals, on the average, are far less bellicose than journalists or patriotic housewives: They know the horrors of a war and they dislike any break in the routine.
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Generals, on the average, are far less bellicose than journalists or patriotic housewives: They know the horrors of a war and they dislike any break in the routine.
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Equality doesn’t exist in nature and therefore can be established only by force. He who wants geographic equality has to dynamite mountains and fill up the valleys. To get a hedge of even height one has to apply pruning shears. To achieve equal scholastic levels in a school one would have to pressure certain students into extra hard work while holding back others.
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Equality doesn’t exist in nature and therefore can be established only by force. He who wants geographic equality has to dynamite mountains and fill up the valleys. To get a hedge of even height one has to apply pruning shears. To achieve equal scholastic levels in a school one would have to pressure certain students into extra hard work while holding back others.
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As humanism begins to dominate the state, the consequence is complete hostile annexation of the church or persecution by separation. Religion is then removed from the marketplace and the school, later from other domains of public life. The state will not toerlate any gods besides itself.
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As humanism begins to dominate the state, the consequence is complete hostile annexation of the church or persecution by separation. Religion is then removed from the marketplace and the school, later from other domains of public life. The state will not toerlate any gods besides itself.
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Fifty-one percent of a nation can establish a totalitarian regime, suppress minorities and still remain democratic.
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Fifty-one percent of a nation can establish a totalitarian regime, suppress minorities and still remain democratic.
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Sometime in the coming century, people will rack their brains pondering how nations with tremendous scientific and intellectual achievements could have given uninstructed and untrained men and women the right to vote equally uninstructed and untrained people into responsible positions.
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Sometime in the coming century, people will rack their brains pondering how nations with tremendous scientific and intellectual achievements could have given uninstructed and untrained men and women the right to vote equally uninstructed and untrained people into responsible positions.
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Only a person with convictions has a genuine possibility to be tolerant. He who accepts no absolute values but clings to polite doubt cannot be tolerant but merely indifferent. He is morally defenseless in the face of evil.
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Only a person with convictions has a genuine possibility to be tolerant. He who accepts no absolute values but clings to polite doubt cannot be tolerant but merely indifferent. He is morally defenseless in the face of evil.
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