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Martin Schulz was born on 20 December 1955 in Hehlrath, Germany, and received his schooling at the Heilig-Geist-Gymnasium. His early working life took a practical turn when he worked as a bookseller — a trade that sits some distance from the corridors of power he would later inhabit.

Schulz went on to build a career in politics as a German citizen, and he also worked as a non-fiction writer alongside his political activities. His facility with languages proved considerable: he has used German, English, French, Italian, Spanish, and Dutch, a range that reflects the multilingual environment in which much of his political life unfolded.

Over the course of his public life, Schulz accumulated a substantial number of honours and awards. From Germany he received the Great Cross with Star and Sash of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany, the Officer's Cross of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany, and the Cross of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany. France recognised him with the Officer of the Legion of Honour, Italy with the Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic, Portugal with the Grand Cross of the Order of Liberty, Austria with the Grand Cross of Honor for Services to the Republic of Austria, and Slovakia with the Grand Officer of the Order of the White Double Cross. He also received the Charlemagne Prize, the Heinrich Albertz Peace Prize, an honorary doctorate from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and honorary citizenship.

At the time the available facts were compiled, Schulz continued to work as a German politician and non-fiction writer — a career that began in Hehlrath and brought him recognition from governments and institutions across multiple countries.

Quotes by Martin Schulz

Martin Schulz's insights on:

The iceberg is already staring him in the face and he has time to avoid it. To be absolutely clear, let me give you our iceberg's coordinates. It is at 1.03 per cent.
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The iceberg is already staring him in the face and he has time to avoid it. To be absolutely clear, let me give you our iceberg's coordinates. It is at 1.03 per cent.
Referendums have always posed a threat when it comes to EU policy, because EU policy is complicated. They're an opportunity for those from all political camps who like to oversimplify things.
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Referendums have always posed a threat when it comes to EU policy, because EU policy is complicated. They're an opportunity for those from all political camps who like to oversimplify things.
We agree: Brussels can't regulate everything. I'm driven by something else: There are forces in Europe that want to generally give national policy priority over a common European approach. We have to prevent this.
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We agree: Brussels can't regulate everything. I'm driven by something else: There are forces in Europe that want to generally give national policy priority over a common European approach. We have to prevent this.
For many people, politics in Brussels and Strasbourg might as well be happening on another planet.
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For many people, politics in Brussels and Strasbourg might as well be happening on another planet.
My worry is that Donald Trump may inspire copycats, also in Europe. That's why I hope Hillary Clinton wins.
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My worry is that Donald Trump may inspire copycats, also in Europe. That's why I hope Hillary Clinton wins.
The problem with us EU politicians is that we approach everything with cool rationality, and then wonder why we don't win people over emotionally.
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The problem with us EU politicians is that we approach everything with cool rationality, and then wonder why we don't win people over emotionally.
We are in the middle of a tough, ideological conflict that is being waged across the entire continent. On the one side are those who say that global challenges like migration and terror cannot be met with national parochialism. On the other side are those who would like to see a renaissance of the nation-state.
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We are in the middle of a tough, ideological conflict that is being waged across the entire continent. On the one side are those who say that global challenges like migration and terror cannot be met with national parochialism. On the other side are those who would like to see a renaissance of the nation-state.
You have to let the people vote when it comes to a new constitution.
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You have to let the people vote when it comes to a new constitution.
When a man ends up in the White House who boasts about not having a clue and who says that specialist knowledge is elite nonsense, then a critical point has been reached. Then you will have an obviously irresponsible man sitting in a position that requires the utmost degree of responsibility.
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When a man ends up in the White House who boasts about not having a clue and who says that specialist knowledge is elite nonsense, then a critical point has been reached. Then you will have an obviously irresponsible man sitting in a position that requires the utmost degree of responsibility.
We have committed ourselves to pursue joint policies, but then national governments say, "We aren't bound by that." That is a dramatic situation, because solidarity is a basic principle that cannot be had on an à la carte basis. If we have rules that nobody adheres to, then the community will break apart.
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We have committed ourselves to pursue joint policies, but then national governments say, "We aren't bound by that." That is a dramatic situation, because solidarity is a basic principle that cannot be had on an à la carte basis. If we have rules that nobody adheres to, then the community will break apart.
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